StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidiscriminationlaws
Andrew Wyatt
awyatt at herstassociates.com
Wed Mar 8 13:05:31 PST 2006
I suspect that the difference is that church-clergyperson is an
employer-employee relationship, while spouse-spouse is not.
Andrew Wyatt
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> -----Original Message-----
> From: religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
> bounces at lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Newsom Michael
> Sent: Wednesday, March 08, 2006 2:58 PM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: RE:
>
StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidiscr
im
> inationlaws
>
> I'm afraid that I don't understand your non-discrimination principle.
> You have not indicated whether you think that it is appropriate to
deny
> a government benefit to individuals who refuse to marry people with
> green hair. If it is inappropriate to do so then I am lost. Marriage
> is an intimate relation, to be sure, but so to is the relation between
> clergy and laity in the context of a religious institution, and we
have
> 16 words in the First Amendment that tell us that religion is
something
> special.
>
> Generalized appeals to "discrimination" fail to get at the real issues
> involved.
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:VOLOKH at law.ucla.edu]
> Sent: Wednesday, March 08, 2006 12:47 PM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: RE:
>
StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidiscr
> iminationlaws
>
> I'm afraid I still don't quite get it. The core of the
> argument, it seems to me, is that "There has been an on-going debate
> among Christian groups regarding the matter of women clergy. For the
> state to choose one side in that debate is to make precisely what I
said
> -- an unavoidable theological judgment -- in a highly contentious
> matter. The government winds up taking sides in a matter of which
that
> it is better advised to steer clear." But the same is true of a vast
> range of religious decisions. There are or were on-going debates
among
> groups about race discrimination in student policies (Bob Jones),
about
> the advisability of participating in electoral politics (Branch
> Ministries, the D.C. Cir. [?] case), about sex and religious
> discrimination in choice of students (generally in the K-12 religious
> school choice context) and more.
>
> The state chooses sides in that debate, especially when it comes
> to participation in state-provided policies, all the time. Can it
> really be that each such decision involves a forbidden "theological
> judgment"? That argument, I think, was made in Bob Jones, and
rejected;
> the Court pointed out that the fact that the government's policies
match
> the views of some religions (e.g., no race discrimination) doesn't
make
> them impermissible establishments of religion.
>
> I actually agree that clergy selection should be different, when
> government regulation is involved; I tentatively suspect otherwise as
to
> funding, though I'd be happy to be persuaded that I'm mistaken on
this.
> But I don't see how one can just say that it's different because the
> government policies involve "an unavoidable theological judgment"
(which
> presumably would mean that they're per se unconstitutional, without
even
> a strict scrutiny escape hatch) -- the policies seem to involve the
same
> sort of judgments about, say, protecting people's economic
opportunities
> (clergy is a paying job, after all) or preventing tax money raised
from
> taxpayers of all races and sexes being used to subsidize race or sex
> discrimination.
>
> Eugene
>
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
> > [mailto:religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of
> > Newsom Michael
> > Sent: Monday, March 06, 2006 9:59 AM
> > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > Subject: RE:
> > StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionst
> > oantidiscriminationlaws
> >
> >
> > The question is really not about discrimination at all. It
> > is about discrimination in the selection of clergy, and not
> > about some "vast range" of government decisions. Context
> > matters. I have not taken a position on the balance to be
> > struck between discrimination and other kinds of
> > decision-making by religious groups.
> >
> > The ministerial exception recognizes the special, if not
> > unique, character of the selection of clergy. That, it seems
> > to me, calls into serious question a decision by a government
> > to deny a benefit to a religious group that only accepts male
clergy.
> >
> > And, by the way, a closer examination of the context strongly
> > suggests that a "neutral" application of a "general" statute
> > on the question of the selection of Christian clergy, at
> > least, is anything but neutral. There has been an on-going
> > debate among Christian groups regarding the matter of women
> > clergy. For the state to choose one side in that debate is
> > to make precisely what I said -- an unavoidable theological judgment
> > -- in a highly contentious matter. The government winds up
> > taking sides in a matter of which that it is better advised
> > to steer clear.
> >
> > There can be no broad, bright-line rule here. Nobody would
> > argue for an anti-discrimination principle prohibits ALL
> > forms and types of discrimination. People can discriminate
> > in the selection of a spouse, for example. Or, would it be
> > proper for the state to deny, say, social security or other
> > benefits to those who discriminate against people with green
> > hair in the selection of a spouse? I don't think so. The
> > particular facts associated with the selection of clergy, it
> > seems to me, control the particular and specific question.
> >
> > One final point: to deny a benefit is, UNDER THESE
> > CIRCUMSTANCES, a rank interference with religion and thus a
> > violation the nonestablishment principle.
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:VOLOKH at law.ucla.edu]
> > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 3:40 PM
> > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > Subject: RE:
> > StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionst
> > oantidiscr
> > iminationlaws
> >
> > Now this I'm not sure I quite grasp. Why is the
> > state's judgment that the Catholic Church discriminates based
> > on sex in hiring clergy -- followed by the application of a
> > (hypothetical) generally applicable rule that
> > sex-discriminatory groups aren't entitled to tax exemption (a
> > rule, incidentally, that I wouldn't endorse as a policy
> > matter) -- an "unavoidably theological judgment"? The Church
> > is neither secretive nor ambiguous in its men-only rule for
> > the priesthood.
> >
> > It's true that the state's decision would contradict
> > the Church's theological views, but that's true of a vast
> > range of state decisions. And it's true that the Church has
> > a constitutional right to discriminate in choice of clergy;
> > yet the government is not obligated to subsidize the exercise
> > of constitutional rights.
> >
> > Eugene
> >
> > > -----Original Message-----
> > > From: religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
> > > [mailto:religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of
> > > Newsom Michael
> > > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 12:09 PM
> > > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > > Subject: RE: State
> > > RFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoanti
> > > discriminationlaws
> > >
> > >
> > > In this particular, specific instance, I believe that the
> > > answer is "yes." Otherwise, the state winds up making what
> > > are essentially and unavoidably theological judgments. That
> > > is not true in the other examples that you give.
> > >
> > > -----Original Message-----
> > > From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:VOLOKH at law.ucla.edu]
> > > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 2:25 PM
> > > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > > Subject: RE: State RFRA
> > > andnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidisc
> > > rimination
> > > laws
> > >
> > > I actually agree that religious groups should have a
> > > right to discriminate in choice of clergy, much as
> > > nonreligious groups should generally have a right to
> > > discriminate in choice of leaders, speakers, and members (see
> > > Boy Scouts v. Dale). (The precise contours of the two rights
> > > may be somewhat different, but the underlying reasons for
> > > them, and their existence, are in my view quite related.)
> > > Yet the question still remains whether the government has an
> > > obligation to help subsidize this discriminatory practice, by
> > > waiving nondiscrimination conditions attached to various
> > > benefits (e.g., tax exemptions) that the groups seek.
> > >
> > > > -----Original Message-----
> > > > From: religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
> > > > [mailto:religionlaw-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of
> > > > Newsom Michael
> > > > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 11:21 AM
> > > > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > > > Subject: RE: State RFRA
> > > > andnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjections
> > > > toantidiscrimination laws
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > My point is that the ministerial exception should be
> > > broadly construed
> > > > and applied. In the specific context of clergy, the state
> > > should not
> > > > quickly or easily claim that a religious organization is
> > ineligible
> > > > for a subsidy if it is guilty of what the state claims is
> > > > discrimination.
> > > >
> > > > The question is not really about discrimination, it is about
> > > > discrimination in the context of selecting clergy.
> > Because of this,
> > > > then there are some serious First Amendment issues that
> > have to be
> > > > considered. Hence a liberal and broad application of the
> > exception
> > > > seems to make sense.
> > > >
> > > > If the question were about child marriage, or renting
> > apartments the
> > > > result might be different. Surely there is something
> > rather unique
> > > > and special about the relation between a religious
> > community and its
> > > > clergy, something not found in your examples.
> > > >
> > > > -----Original Message-----
> > > > From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:VOLOKH at law.ucla.edu]
> > > > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 12:23 PM
> > > > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > > > Subject: RE: State RFRA and
> > > > nonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjections to
> > > > antidiscrimination laws
> > > >
> > > > Well, I was using the secular law definition of
> discrimination,
> > > > which (at least insofar as it's relevant
> > > > here) is pretty much Stevens's test in Manhart: Does the
> > > > institution "treat[] a person in a manner which but for that
> > > > person's sex would be different"? If Jesus Christ
> > > > deliberately chose only men as apostles, then that was
> > > > discrimination -- obviously not illegal either then or now
> > > > (now because they weren't paid, and thus weren't his
> > > > employees), but that's a separate question than whether it's
> > > > discrimination. By way of analogy, consider a landlord who
> > > > refuses to rent to unmarried couples or same-sex couples,
> > > > because he believes that renting to them would constitute
> > > > aiding and abetting fornication or homosexual conduct. He
> > > > may not see his conduct as discrimination, just as compliance
> > > > with God's will. Yet discrimination it is.
> > > >
> > > > Nor am I quite sure why it would be unconstitutional
> > > > for the state to "indulge in" or "act upon" such statements
> > > > (i.e., that selecting priests based on sex is
> > > > discrimination). If the claim is that it expresses
> > > > disapproval of a faith to condemn as illegal conduct that
> > > > mirrors what the faith's holy figures do, that can't be quite
> > > > right. That Jesus was said to have driven the moneylenders
> > > > from the Temple doesn't mean that such conduct would be
> > > > constitutionally protected if conducted by a religious person
> > > > (or a church official or even a self-described Messiah)
> > > > today. Mohammed's marriage to a child bride may have been
> > > > perfectly proper by the standards of the time and place in
> > > > which he lived, but it doesn't mean that secular law can't
> > > > ban it today; it can ban it, even if such conduct is being
> > > > performed as a religious sacrament.
> > > >
> > > > If the claim is that denying subsidies to a religious
> > group because
> > > > it fails to satisfy a general condition attached to subsidy is
> > > > unconstitutional or a RFRA violation, that's less
> > implausible. Yet
> > > > I wonder why we should take this view. The government
subsidizes
> > > > all sorts of things because of its own reasons. It subsidizes
> > > > public schools, but not private religious schools, even though
> > > > educating one's child in a pervasively religious
> > atmosphere may be a
> > > > sacrament to some people. It subsidizes child care, but not
> > > > people who stay home to raise their children, even though
> > > > that's a sacrament to some people, too. It subsidizes
> > > > (through tax exemption) nonlobbying, nonelectioneering
> > > > nonprofit speech but not lobbying or electioneering nonprofit
> > > > speech. Why can't it equally choose to subsidize those
> > > > nonprofits that don't discriminate, but not those that do
> > > > discriminate (even though the latter may have a
> > > > constitutional right to discriminate, just as parents have
> > > > the right to send their kids to private schools, and just as
> > > > groups have the right to lobby or electioneer)?
> > > >
> > > > Eugene
> > > >
> > > > Michael Newsom writes:
> > > >
> > > > > 1) To say that a religious organization chooses its clergy
> > > > > "discriminatorily" requires some serious and sober
> > > consideration of
> > > > > the theology of that organization. The exemption ought to
apply
> > > > > broadly if only to keep secular entities out of an area in
> > > > which they
> > > > > have precious little expertise (quite apart from any
> > > > consideration of
> > > > > any constitutional norms). To say that the refusal to
> > > ordain women
> > > > > is "discrimination" without consideration of the
> > context begs the
> > > > > question. One could just as easily say that Jesus Christ
> > > > > discriminated against women by only choosing men as
> > > apostles. For
> > > > > the state to indulge in such statements -- and to act
> > > upon them --
> > > > > is precisely what the Religion Clauses prohibit. To subsidize
> > > > > religious organizations that ordain women and to refuse
> > > to subsidize
> > > > > religious organizations that do not is to establish a
> > > preference for
> > > > > some religions over others. Doesn't that offend the
> > > > > non-establishment principle? If, of course, one chooses not
> > > > > to recognize that religion and religious institutions occupy
> > > > > a special place in the constitutional order, then perhaps the
> > > > > violation is not so clear. But it is a mistake not to
> > > > > recognize the special constitutional importance of religion,
> > > > > and hence, a mistake not to recognize that such differential
> > > > > treatment offends the principle.
> > > > _______________________________________________
> > > > To post, send message to Religionlaw at lists.ucla.edu
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> > > > _______________________________________________
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> > > _______________________________________________
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> > > _______________________________________________
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> > _______________________________________________
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> > _______________________________________________
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> _______________________________________________
> To post, send message to Religionlaw at lists.ucla.edu
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