Non-originalist opinions

Miguel Schor mschor at suffolk.edu
Tue Apr 21 15:49:00 PDT 2009


  I agree with Lori and thought Jamal Greene's paper
  very interesting as well.  I have a different take
  on why originalism is such a divisive issue in the
  US and of little moment abroad in a paper (please
  excuse the shameless self-promotion, :) I will soon
  post on SSRN entitled "The Strange Cases of Marbury
  and Lochner in the Constitutional Imagination."  The
  argument is that Lochner exposed the problem of
  judicial power not only in the US but abroad as
  well.  Polities abroad generally dealt with this
  problem by crafting stronger mechanisms of political
  accountability for courts.  The US, on the other
  hand, is stuck with a court that is remarkably free
  of political restraints compared to other national
  high courts.  Thus, we turned to judicial
  self-regulation.  At best, originalism is a second
  best (and highly divisive) solution to the problem
  of power as external constraints are generally
  better than internal ones. 

Miguel Schor
Associate Professor of Law
Suffolk University Law School
120 Tremont St.
Boston, MA 02108
617-305-6244
SSRN Webpage http://ssrn.com/author=469730


  ---- Original message ----

    Date: Tue, 21 Apr 2009 14:26:23 -0400
    From: Lori Ringhand <ringhand at uga.edu>
    Subject: Re: Non-originalist opinions
    To: "Nareissa L. Smith" <nsmith at fcsl.edu>
    Cc: "'CONLAWPROFS professors'"
    <conlawprof at lists.ucla.edu>
    >Jamal Greene has a very interesting paper up on
    SSRN regarding the
    >question of why it is that the US, somewhat
    uniquely among
    >constitutional democracies, embraces originalist
    arguments. I've copied
    >the abstract and link below.
    >
    >http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1357541
    >
    >For all its proponents' claims of its necessity
    as a means of
    >constraining judges, originalism is remarkably
    unpopular outside the
    >United States. Recommended responses to judicial
    activism in other
    >countries more typically take the form of
    minimalism or textualism. This
    >Article considers why. I focus particular
    attention on the political and
    >constitutional histories of Canada and Australia,
    nations that, like the
    >United States, have well-established traditions
    of judicial enforcement
    >of a written constitution, and that share with
    the United States a
    >common-law adjudicative norm, but whose judicial
    cultures less readily
    >assimilate judicial restraint to historicist
    claims. I offer six
    >hypotheses as to the influences that sensitize
    our popular and judicial
    >culture to such claims: the canonizing influence
    of time; the
    >revolutionary character of American sovereignty;
    the rights revolution
    >of the Warren and Burger Courts; the
    politicization of the judicial
    >nomination process in the United States; the
    accommodation of an
    >assimilative, as against a pluralist, ethos; and
    a relatively
    >evangelical religious culture. These six
    hypotheses suggest, among other
    >things, that originalist argument in the United
    States is a form of
    >ethical argument, and that the domestic debate
    over originalism should
    >be understood in ethical terms
    >
    >Nareissa L. Smith wrote:
    >>
    >> I’ve been following this thread with interest
    and a few points strike
    >> me. I guess these are questions for those that
    consider themselves
    >> true originalists.
    >>
    >> 1. As Professor Schor said, and I do not
    believe this has been
    >> addressed, why are we as a nation so tied to
    the concept of
    >> originalism? This is something I have
    difficulty understanding,
    >> especially since originalists seem to believe
    that any constitutional
    >> argument can be won simply by saying “this is
    what the framers
    >> intended.” The problems with this approach
    are manifold, but include,
    >> inter alia: 1) the fact that the founders were
    human; 2) the fact that
    >> on some points, the historical evidence and
    even the plain meaning of
    >> the words can be disputed; and 3) the
    constitution was a limited
    >> document, and could not and did not foresee
    much of what happened in
    >> American history, thus the 20-odd amendments
    that followed. So, my
    >> question is, even if one could determine that
    “X” was the original
    >> intent of the framers, why should we be bound
    by that as if it is the
    >> ultimate trump card? I’m not saying it
    shouldn’t be considered, but
    >> why MUST this evidence carry the day, rather
    than being one factor?
    >>
    >> 2. I don’t think that the originalists have
    fully decided how to deal
    >> with the Fourteenth Amendment. My old Crim Pro
    professor Andy Taslitz
    >> has written about how the Fourteenth Amendment
    “mutated” the Fourth
    >> Amendment into something the Founders could not
    have foreseen. Why is
    >> this not so with the rest of the document?
    >>
    >> 3. Women were completely excluded from the
    document (See Abigail Adams
    >>
    <http://www.thelizlibrary.org/suffrage/abigail.htm>)
    and many of the
    >> Founders owned slaves. For me, that makes much
    of the Founder’s intent
    >> on these issues at best non-existent, and at
    worst evinces the clear
    >> intent that these groups were to be excluded
    from the body politic for
    >> all time. I actually had the opportunity to ask
    Justice Scalia if an
    >> originalist interpretation could garner rights
    for these groups, and
    >> he told me how he thought an originalist might
    decide Brown, but it
    >> wasn’t the same. Can someone here address
    this question?
    >>
    >> For my two cents, I definitely think
    originalism has its place. But
    >> why can’t it be a more limited place? Can we
    agree that originalism
    >> should carry more weight when say, we are
    talking about qualifications
    >> to hold office, which change little over time,
    and less weight when we
    >> discuss current social issues? Again, why must
    originalism be the
    >> alpha and omega of the discussion?
    >>
    >> Nareissa
    >>
    >> Nareissa L. Smith
    >>
    >> Assistant Professor
    >>
    >> Florida Coastal School of Law
    >>
    >> 8787 Baypine Rd.
    >>
    >> Jacksonville, FL 32256
    >>
    >> (904) 680-7674
    >>
    >> *From:* conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
    >> [mailto:conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] *On
    Behalf Of *Steven Jamar
    >> *Sent:* Tuesday, April 21, 2009 12:32 PM
    >> *Cc:* 'CONLAWPROFS professors'
    >> *Subject:* Re: Non-originalist opinions
    >>
    >> I agree entirely that there is "a lot of
    material to sift through" to
    >> understand the meaning of the Constitution.
    This little side dispute
    >> between Prof. Green and me started when he took
    issue with my
    >> assertion that we today are not bound to an
    understanding of the
    >> Constitution as it existed in a far different
    time from today by
    >> citing his interesting article on
    interpretation and claiming that in
    >> fact we are bound by the Constitution because
    of the oath provision.
    >>
    >> My point was and is on the substantive one that
    we are and cannot be
    >> bound by precisely what was meant 230 years
    ago. From Prof. Green's
    >> latest post, I think he was and is talking
    about something else.
    >>
    >> Steve
    >>
    >> --
    >>
    >> Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox: 202-806-8017
    >>
    >> Associate Director, Institute of Intellectual
    Property and Social
    >> Justice http://iipsj.org
    >>
    >> Howard University School of Law fax:
    202-806-8567
    >>
    >> http://iipsj.com/SDJ/
    >>
    >> "The aim of education must be the training of
    independently acting and
    >> thinking individuals who, however, see in the
    service to the community
    >> their highest life achievement."
    >>
    >> Albert Einstein
    >>
    >> On Apr 21, 2009, at 12:14 PM, Christopher Green
    wrote:
    >>
    >>
    >>
    >> "The binding clause says nothing whatsoever
    about [the] meaning of the
    >> constitution." I don't think that Article VI on
    its own tells us the
    >> nature of the Constitution, but it does give us
    a phrase for what is
    >> binding--"this Constitution"--and looking at
    how that phrase is used
    >> elsewhere can tell us what it means. There's a
    lot of material to sift
    >> through. See here
    >>
    <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1227162>
    at 37-55.
    >>
    >> As to the reductio-ad-anarchy, I would
    distinguish between issues
    >> about what is /interpretively binding/--i.e.,
    what we are doing when
    >> we interpret the Constitution, and what sort of
    entity the
    >> Constitution presents itself as--from issues
    about the /occasions/ of
    >> constitutional interpretation--at issue in
    cases like _Marbury_,
    >> executive-branch interpretation, precedent, and
    so on. I'm talking
    >> about what we should do once we decide that
    we're in the
    >> interpretation business, not the precise
    contours of when we should be
    >> in that business. See here
    >>
    <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1227162>
    at 10-11.
    >>
    >>
    ------------------------------------------------------------------------
    >>
    >> *From:* conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
    >> [mailto:conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] *On
    Behalf Of *Steven Jamar
    >> *Sent:* Tuesday, April 21, 2009 10:49 AM
    >> *To:* CONLAWPROFS professors
    >> *Subject:* Fwd: Non-originalist opinions
    >>
    >> Of course we are bound to its meaning. But to
    say we are bound to its
    >> meaning again does not say anything at all
    about how to determine that
    >> meaning or what that meaning is. The binding
    clause says nothing
    >> whatsoever about meaning of the constitution.
    >>
    >> Under but the most modest extension of Prof.
    Green's strained
    >> interpretation, U.S. officials would be bound
    to ignore precedent and
    >> /Marbury/ and all else but their own
    interpretation of the meaning
    >> because all meaning comes from the binding
    clause oath and nothing
    >> else matters. There is nothing at all in the
    constitution that says
    >> anything about judicial supremacy and nothing
    about being bound by
    >> supreme court precedent and interpretation.
    >>
    >> That level of anarchy cannot be what the
    founders intended, or said.
    >> Binding or not.
    >>
    >> Steve
    >>
    >> On Apr 21, 2009, at 11:15 AM, Christopher Green
    wrote:
    >>
    >>
    >>
    >> What does it mean to be bound by a
    Constitution, if not to be bound by
    >> its meaning? It doesn't mean to tie a copy of
    the Constitution to
    >> one's wrist. See here
    >>
    <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1227162>
    at 21-22.
    >> Of course, we need to do more work to find out
    what exactly "this
    >> Constitution" refers to--i.e., what the
    Constitution makes binding.
    >> See the rest of the article for that.
    >>
    >>
    ------------------------------------------------------------------------
    >>
    >> *From:* conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
    >> <mailto:conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu>
    >> [mailto:conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] *On
    Behalf Of *Steven Jamar
    >> *Sent:* Tuesday, April 21, 2009 10:05 AM
    >> *Cc:* conlawprof at lists.ucla.edu
    <mailto:conlawprof at lists.ucla.edu>
    >> *Subject:* Re: Non-originalist opinions
    >>
    >> Prof. Green makes my point more elegantly than
    I could. Of course we
    >> are bound by the Constitution. But to say that
    is to say nothing at
    >> all about the meaning of the constitution or
    its interpretation.
    >>
    >> Steve
    >>
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