Justice Scalia and First Things
Scott Gerber
s-gerber at onu.edu
Thu Mar 9 11:35:36 PST 2006
I am much less concerned about Justice Scalia's failure to notice an
academic elite than I am in Sandy Levinson's willingness to cite only
academic elites. There are many interpretations of the founding and
reconstruction eras, for example, than those by the elites Sandy cites.
This is a real problem in the legal academy. As I've mentioned before,
the "law porn" conference ads that fill my faculty mailbox everyday
list almost the same con law folks over and over. I frankly find it
difficult to believe that any legal scholar, no matter how hardworking
and bright, has enough new things to say to justify being invited to,
let accept the invitations from, the two dozen or more of these
conferences that they opine at every year. It's time for some new
voices. I realize the system won't change, b/c the people with the
power to change it are rewarded in the current system, but Sandy's post
gave me an opportunity to at least express my concern.
Cheers,
Scott
Sanford Levinson wrote:
>Re Matthew's message below: Would Matt be less surprised (or even,
possibly, alarmed) if Scalia had never heard of, say, Ted Lowi, Robert
Dahl, David Mayhew, or other leading political scientists? (I suppose
another way of asking this question is why we consider it tolerable for
justices to cite Madison and DeTocqueville as if they have the
slightest relevance to American society and government in 2006.) Ditto
if Scalia, the self-professed originalist (at least on Mondays,
Wednesdays, and Fridays, were ignorant of, say, Gordon Wood, Jack
Rakove (on the Founding period) or Eric McKitrick or Eric Foner on
Reconstruction? How parochial do we allow judges (and, for that
matter, law professors) to be and still take them seriously when they
make assertions about theories of language, the operation of American
political institutions, or the historical context of the Founding or
Reconstruction?
>
>Matt, of course, is a distinguished political scientist who is
decidedly non-parochial himself. So the question is whether his
seeming embrace of Scalia's proud ignorance of John Searle is related
simply to the perception of the likely contribution that philosophers
of linguistics have to make to debates about textualism and original
meaning.
>
>On the point about legal positivism, I requote from Scalia himself:
"the positive law adopted by the American people and entrusted to the
enforcement of their courts...." The most basic divided between legal
positivism and natural lawyers, as I understand it, is whether morality
is a necessary defining condition for regarding something as "law."
Legal positivists, whatever their differences, all say no. Scalia says
no. Therefore I put him in the camp of legal positivists. I'm not
sure why Matt disbelieves in my own self-description as a legal
positivist. I believe, for example, that slavery was an entrenched
part of American constitutional law. I think that Lincoln probably
went too far when he said that a legislator was under a duty to vote
for the Fugitive Slave Law (yes, he really did say that), but I think
we are whistling past the cemetary to regard Dred Scott as an obvious
overreach with regard to what the Constitution "really meant" circa
1857. For me that is good reason to support disdaining the
Constitution and even, for some, trying to overthrow it (as we
overthrew the British Constitution in 1776-83). But at no point do I
argue that because slavery was horrendously immoral, it was not
constitutional and subject to wide varitieties of legal protection.
Does Matt disagree.
>
>I recognize that there is a strain even within natural law thinking,
ably developed by Robbie George in Making Men Moral, of what might be
labeled "prudentialism," whereby one tolerates immoral laws on the
grounds that the society isn't yet "ready" for the full transition to a
full-scale moral order. But I see nothing in Scalia's analysis that
links him to this tradition (as by saying, e.g., that "the time isn't
right to declare that fetuses are affirmatively protected by the
Fourteenth Amendment, but perhaps the Court will be able to move to the
(theoretically correct) understanding of the Constitution in 25 years
or so").
>
>sandy
>
>nck, Matthew J [mailto:mfranck at RADFORD.EDU]
>Sent: Wed 3/8/2006 4:25 PM
>To: Sanford Levinson; conlawprof at lists.ucla.edu
>Subject: RE: RE: Justice Scalia and First Things
>
>
>
>I'll bite. First, I am neither surprised nor the least bit alarmed
that Scalia has never heard of John Searle. I have heard of Searle,
but "heard of him" is about all I can say, and I speak as the spouse of
a communication scholar. I know I have never read a book by him, and
if I have read an article, it was not memorable. This is perhaps a
confession of a terrible intellectual deficiency on my part, but I
cannot even now, after reading Sandy's tribute to him, speak of a felt
need to go out and read John Searle. I am sure he would say the same
of me.
>
>
>
>More generally, I think the admission Sandy finds so shocking in Scalia
was actually kind of refreshing. Maybe Scalia now intends to read John
Searle, but somehow I doubt it. And if he thinks that the last century
or so of academic philosophy has not had a healthy effect on the study
and practice of the law, I would have to say that I have much the same
sense of things. Perhaps John Searle could persuade me otherwise;
perhaps Sandy could persuade me that he could. But while I am open to
the possibility, I am skeptical.
>
>
>
>As for Scalia's crack that Searle probably hasn't heard of him either,
this is no doubt a joke on several levels. A little ironic (pretense
at) self-deprecation, with a dash of a hint that academic philosophers
have their heads too much in some other place to notice someone so
"ordinary" yet so important as a Supreme Court justice. Ha! It got a
chuckle out of me, anyway.
>
>
>
>But a final point brings me to something I think I can claim to know a
little something about. Why, Sandy, do you think that because Scalia
refuses to bring any beliefs he might hold about natural law to bear on
his constitutional decision-making, he must therefore be a legal
positivist? Isn't that a fairly evident non sequitur?
>
>
>
>Why, for that matter, do you think you are yourself a positivist? I
have heard and seen a great many people talk the talk of being legal
positivists, but, to adapt an old saying, there aren't any in foxholes.
I will do you the honor of saying that I do not believe you are a
positivist. Why do you think you are?
>
>
>
>Matt
>
>***************************
>Matthew J. Franck
>Professor and Chairman
>Department of Political Science
>Radford University
>P.O. Box 6945
>Radford, VA 24142-6945
>phone 540-831-5854
>fax 540-831-6075
>e-mail mfranck at radford.edu <mailto:mfranck at radford.edu>
>www.radford.edu/~mfranck
>***************************
>
>
>
>________________________________
>
>From: conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:conlawprof-bounces at lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Sanford Levinson
>Sent: Wednesday, March 08, 2006 2:42 PM
>To: conlawprof at lists.ucla.edu
>Subject: RE: RE: Justice Scalia and First Things
>
>
>
>I strongly recommend an exchange in the letters-to-the-editor column in
Feb. 2006 First Things, by three respondents to a review that Justice
Scalia had written of Steve Smith's recent book. John B. Allen offers
an extremely sophisticated philosophical critique of Scalia's theory of
language (even though he is generally sympathetic to Scalia's judicial
politics), which draws the following comment from Scalia: "I . . .
have never even heard of John Searle (as he has not, I suppose, of
me)." I confess to being surprised that Scalia, who professes to be a
"textualist," would never even have heard of the leading American
philosopher of speech acts, given that he publishes widely in such fora
as the New York Review of Books. Or, if it is just too silly to
imagine that a conservative would read the NYRB, I would have thought
that some philosopher friend of Scalia, knowing that he is interested
in the properties of textualism and original meaning, might have told
him, "There's this philosopher at Berkeley who is the leading writer on
such subjects, and you might read him before, say, you give the Tanner
lectures at Princeton, where audiences might expect a certain level of
intellectual sophistication when opining on the nature of speech." I
could understand Scalia's professing ignorance about, say, Saul Kripke
or Donald Davidson, but his ignorance of Searle says something
interesting, at least to me, about the huge chasm between even those
judges who come out of the legal academy and the rest of the
university.
>
>
>
>Incidentally, Scalia's parenthetical itself raises interesting
interpretive questions, since it is inconceivable that Professor Searle
"has not [heard] of [Scalia]." Scalia sharply rejects any notions of
"utterer's intent" as against the "public meaning" available to an
audience. But Scalia can't really believe that Searle has not heard of
him. Even if Scalia were unusually modest, it would still be foolish
beyond belief (literally) if Scalia thought that Searle was so ignorant
(especially after being informed that Searle is extremely interested in
theories of language). So what, exactly, is he intending to convey by
the parenthetical, and how, exactly, would we figure that out?
>
>
>
>The other two respondents take Scalia to task for not reading "persons"
to protect fetuses (and therefore, as a constitutional matter, to
prohibit states from allowing abortion). Although he indicates that he
believes that states have a constitutional right to do so, he reveals
himself, once more, to be a legal positivist, distinguishing very
sharply between natural law and "the positive law adopted by the
American people and entrusted to the enforcement of their courts...."
I do not mean this as a criticism of Justice Scalia, being a positivist
myself. But it raises once again what is the operational importance of
being a "Catholic justice." Though, recall, Scalia has written, in
First Things, that he would feel compelled to resign if the Church ever
comes out four-square against capital punishment and requires absolute
non-collaboration with the practice. (Presumably, upholding a state's
right, arguendo, to tolerate the murder of an innocent does not count
as sufficient collaboration.)
>
>
>
>sandy
>
>
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--------------------------------------
Scott Gerber
Law College
Ohio Northern University
Ada, OH 45810
419-772-2219
http://www.law.onu.edu/faculty/gerber/
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